Petition to the United Nations Special Committee 
on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on
the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples
from the 

East Timor Action Network / United States
PO Box 1182, White Plains, New York 10602 USA.  1-914-428-7299  fax
1-914-428-7383 etan-us@igc.apc.org

presented by Erik Gustafson

United Nations, New York, June 30, 1998


Mr. Chairperson, distinguished members of the committee and guests, my name
is Erik Gustafson, and I am speaking for the East Timor Action Network, a
7-year old grassroots movement with more than 7,500 members and 20 local
groups across the United States. ETAN has petitioned this committee every
year since 1992.

Mr. Chairman, this year is different. By nonviolently overthrowing the
Suharto dictatorship, the people of Indonesia and East Timor have begun to
create democratic space which will make it possible to resolve the
^Oquestion of East Timor.^O But the transition will be difficult, fraught
with risks, casualties and potentially disastrous outcomes.

The United Nations, especially this Special Committee, has the
responsibility to safeguard the rights of people of non-self-governing
territories. The people of East Timor need your protection now, perhaps
more than in many years. Their future could be decided in the next few months.

For centuries, the Portuguese colonial empire denied East Timor its right
to self-determination.  More recently, Indonesia^Os military might has
suppressed that right for the last 22 years. During that time, this
Committee watched helplessly, unable to carry out its responsibility to
implement the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples. 

As you must know, that Declaration states that ^Oimmediate steps shall be
taken ^¸ to transfer all powers to the people of those territories (who have
not yet attained independence), without any conditions or reservations, in
accordance with their freely expressed will and desire.^O Countries which
obstruct that process, by force of arms and other repressive measures,
violate the Declaration, the Charter of the United Nations, the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and numerous other laws.

East Timor is a major blot on the record of the United Nations. The
Indonesian military occupation persists in defiance of two resolutions by
the Security Council and eight by the General Assembly, outlasting
uncountable rounds of discussions under at least four Secretaries-General.
As recently as last week, Indonesian soldiers are still shooting down East
Timorese civilians when they express their desire for self-determination.

Acting President Habibie, without popular mandate, will probably be out of
office in the near future. Yet even he understands that the occupation is a
problem for Indonesia as well as for the people of East Timor. Unlike his
predecessor and mentor, he would like to placate international legal and
political concerns. But he refuses to discuss the fundamental issue.

After initially stating that there would be no change regarding Jakarta^Os
claim that the illegally annexed territory is a province of Indonesia,
Habibie backtracked and said he would consider granting a ^Ospecial status^O
of autonomy to East Timor. He released a few of the several hundred East
Timorese being held in Indonesian jails, military bases and police
stations, and proposed to release East Timorese leader Xanana Gusm°o if the
world community would accept Indonesian domination over East Timor.

The East Timor Action Network welcomes Habibie^Os actions as signals that
the Habibie government may be more flexible than its 32-year predecessor.
But they are only signals, with no intrinsic significance.

Simultaneously, the military which backs Habibie is sending different
signals. Beginning with the violent suppression a peaceful East Timorese
student demonstration in Jakarta on June 12, the last few weeks have seen a
return to business as usual in East Timor ^™ military repression and
violence against civilians. The ^ODili Spring^O when East Timorese people
could finally express their hunger for self-determination with less fear
(albeit still with great courage) lasted less than 22 days. The people of
East Timor have waited more than 22 years for the self-determination
guaranteed by the Declaration which created this Special Committee, but
they will have to wait even longer.

East Timor^Os political status is for the East Timorese alone to decide;
they have an inalienable right to self-determination. This right cannot be
taken away by Indonesian military invasion; it cannot be usurped by the
unelected prot‚g‚ of Indonesia^Os ousted dictator; and it cannot be
negotiated away by Portugal, the U.N. Secretariat, or East Timorese
individuals.

The ^Oautonomy^O that Habibie offers is a smokescreen. Parts of Indonesia
with such status are still ruled from Jakarta. In the ^Ospecial autonomous
region^O of Aceh, human rights are violated even more often than in other
parts of Indonesia. There is no reason to expect that East Timor, which has
been ruled by brutal force since the 1975 invasion, would receive different
treatment under ^Oautonomy.^O 

The East Timorese people will eventually vote on their political future,
under international supervision. They could choose to be a province of a
democratic Indonesia, or they might choose total independence or some other
option. The election should be preceded by a troop withdrawal and more
local self-government for the people of East Timor. If acting President
Habibie chooses to call this interregnum ^Oautonomy^O he may ^™ recognizing
that it is only a brief transition to allow the terror of the occupation to
dissipate so that a referendum can be held without fear.

Over the past few weeks, massive spontaneous public meetings and protests
in East Timor have shown that most people there are eager to exercise their
political rights. As this became obvious, the occupying government staged
rallies in support of integration -- coerced and dishonest events which
provoked violent confrontations and prevented the European Union delegation
from freely meeting with East Timorese people. The United Nations and its
Member States, through this Committee and otherwise, must condemn these
activities in the strongest terms. 

Mr. Chairman, Xanana Gusm°o remains in a Jakarta jail despite calls for his
release from the U.N. Secretary General, many members of the U.S. Congress,
and most Indonesian democratic leaders and movements. He should be freed
immediately so that he and the Indonesian government, together with the
United Nations and Portugal, can negotiate the specifics of East Timor^Os
referendum on self-determination. Ending his illegal imprisonment is not a
^Obargaining chip^O that can be traded for the inalienable rights of the East
Timorese people; but it is morally imperative and pragmatically necessary
to move the peace process forward.

The changes in government in Jakarta which have already occurred, and those
which will take place over the coming months, offer new possibilities. The
increased openness of public discussion is helping Indonesian citizens
understand the crimes that have been committed in their names in East
Timor. But for the people of East Timor, meaningful change has not yet
begun. The United Nations has a special responsibility at this critical
time to help East Timor ^™ and Indonesia ^™ evolve from genocide to freedom.

For the last nine months, Indonesia has suffered a massive economic crisis
which continues to worsen. This disaster, partly induced by Western
investors and institutions, has been portrayed as a consequence of the
^Oprosperity^O brought by years of Suharto autocracy. Our hearts go out to
the Indonesian people who are enduring poverty, scapegoating, unemployment
and individual and structural violence. We urge the international
community, including the IMF, to examine their roles in exacerbating the
suffering of poor Indonesians.

The people of East Timor are the most affected, with even more severe
famine and shortages than in other areas controlled by the Indonesian
government. It is a travesty that the East Timorese, who never chose to be
part of Indonesia and received none of the benefits of Suharto-era
prosperity, are hit the hardest once again.

Mr. Chairman, I would like to update this Committee on developments in the
United States relating to East Timor. Since we met last summer, my
government has moved closer to supporting self-determination. Last
November, Congress passed and President Clinton signed a new law. In any
sale of lethal equipment from the United States to Indonesia, the contract
must state ^Othat the United States expects that the items will not be used
in East Timor.^O That expectation, which means that the U.S. regards
Indonesia as obligated to refrain from using such weapons in East Timor, is
the first time since 1975 that a U.S. statute has singled out East Timor as
distinct from Indonesia.

Legislation currently pending in the Senate and the House of
Representatives will directly reaffirm East Timor^Os right to a referendum
on self-determination. These resolutions have dozens of sponsors, from both
political parties, and will come up for passage in the next few months.

Last March, Washington was scandalized when it was revealed that U.S.
Marines and Green Berets have been travelling to Indonesia every month or
two to train Indonesian soldiers in Urban Warfare, Psychological
Operations, Advanced Sniper Techniques, and similar tools of repression.
The bulk of the training has been given to Kopassus, the notorious special
forces responsible for torture and terror in East Timor. Congress thought
they had barred such training since the 1991 Dili massacre, but the
Pentagon has been evading their intent. Pending legislation will prohibit
this program, and the public outcry has already forced the Pentagon to
suspend it. 

Another bill, introduced days before Suharto resigned, will terminate all
military shipments from the United States to Indonesia, including
ammunition and spare parts.  The ^OIndonesia Human Rights Before Military
Assistance Act^O would only allow deliveries to resume after a
democratically-elected government has taken power in Indonesia and there
have been substantial improvement in human rights in East Timor, Indonesia
and Irian Jaya.

As in Jakarta, policy-makers in Washington can see that the wind is blowing
toward freedom and democracy in Indonesia. That wind can push East Timor^Os
sails toward self-determination. The United Nations, and especially this
Committee, is the keel which can keep East Timor^Os ship on course, allowing
the Timorese people to sail in their chosen direction. Without a keel to
stabilize their journey, they will continue to be lost on the stormy seas
of repression and occupation, and never reach safe harbor.

The people of East Timor have not abandoned the hope expressed in the lofty
language that gave rise to this Special Committee. Neither has the East
Timor Action Network. We only hope that our faith in this Committee proves
well-founded during this critical period.

Thank you.
END

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John M. Miller         Internet: etan-outreach@igc.apc.org
Media & Outreach Coordinator, East Timor Action Network
PO Box 150753, Brooklyn, NY 11215-0014 USA
Phone: (718)596-7668      Fax: (718)222-4097
ETAN's new web site: http://etan.org

Send a blank e-mail message to timor-info@igc.apc.org to find out how to learn
more about East Timor on the Internet
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